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To themselves, Jews are a race, but to us
"gentiles" Jews are only a religion )
Senator
Lodge—"Do you deny that the word 'Jew' is used to express a
race?"
Mr. Wolf—"As the representative of the Union of American Hebrew
Congregations—which I have been for nearly 30 years—I took up the
matter and propounded a series of interrogations to some of the
leading Jews of the United States, among others * * * Dr. Cyrus Adler,
who was librarian of the Smithsonian * * * and every one of them
states that the Jews are not a race."
Senator Lodge—"That, I think, is an important point. I have
always supposed they were. I find in the preface of The Jewish
Encyclopedia, which is signed by Cyrus Adler, among others this
statement:
'An even more delicate problem that presented itself at the very
outset was the attitude to be observed by the encyclopedia in
regard to those Jews who, while born within the Jewish community,
have, for one reason or another, abandoned it. As the present work
deals with the Jews as a race, it was found impossible to exclude
those who were of that race, whatever their religious affiliations
might have been.'
"In the same encyclopedia is a statement by Joseph Jacobs, B.A.,
formerly president of the Jewish Historical Society of England:
'Anthropologically considered, the Jews are a race of markedly uniform
type, due either to unity of race or to similarity of environment.'
"Do you mean to deny—I want to understand your position—that
the word 'Jew' is a racial term?"
Mr. Wolf—"I have made my statement, and my opinions are in this
pamphlet."
Are Jews a Race?.What They Themselves Say!
An excerpt from David Duke's Jewish Supremacism.
One of the first things I discovered is that while Gentiles who
call the Jews a "race" are condemned, Jewish leaders have
for centuries routinely called themselves a race. The leader of
American Jewry in the 1930s, Rabbi Stephen F. Wise, said it succinctly
in this dramatic statement,
"Hitler was right in one thing. He calls the Jewish people a
race and we are a race."
Right up to the present day, there are many statements illustrating
how Jewish leaders matter-of-factly view themselves not just as a
religion, but as an identifiable race, genetically distinguishable
from other peoples.
Nahum Goldman, one of the leading Jews of the 20th Century and
former president of the World Zionist Organization, said it very
bluntly:
.The Jews are divided into two categories, those who admit they
belong to a race distinguished by a history thousands of years old,
and those who don't. The latter are open to the charge of
dishonesty.
The former Israeli Prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, speaking to
Jewish group in southern California said:
"If Israel had not come into existence after World War II
then I am certain the Jewish race wouldn't have survived.I stand
before you and say you must strengthen your commitment to
Israel."
An editorial entitled "Some Other Race" in the New York
weekly Forward (A very prestigious Jewish publication) urges Jews to
list themselves on the U.S. Government census form as a race. It goes
on to suggest:
". On question eight [of the form, which asks about race],
you might consider doing what more than one member of our redaktzia
[editorial staff] has done: checking the box 'some other race' and
writing in the word 'Jew'."
Charles Bronfman, a main sponsor of the $210 million
"Birthright Israel," an organization specifically committed
to preventing intermarriage between Jews and Gentiles, expressed the
need to preserve the Jewish genetic character as expressed in the
Jewish DNA.
Bronfman is brother of Edgar Bronfman, Sr., president of the World
Jewish Congress. He said,
".you're losing a lot - losing the kind of feeling you have
when you know [that] throughout the world there are people who
somehow or other have the same kind of DNA that you have."
Imagine for a moment if President George Bush would speak to a
group of White college students and tell them how great it is for them
know that others in the world share their White DNA, and that they
should not lose it by intermarrying with other races. Bush could live
to 100 years old and still never live down a remark like that!
During his campaign for President in 2000, Bush spoke before dozens
of Jewish organizations and Synagogues that oppose intermarriage
between Jews and non-Jews. The media only had praise for those
appearances. In contrast, Bush faced universal criticism by the Jewish
media by simply speaking at a conservative Christian university (Bob
Jones University) that quietly opposes racial intermarriage. After the
media unleashed a storm of criticism, Bush had to quickly apologize
and then passionately condemn Bob Jones University for its position.
Of course, within a few days, Bush was again speaking before many
Jewish groups that stridently oppose intermarriage, yet no one in the
media dared object to these appearances, or to even point out this
blatant double standard.
"The
distinctive character of the Jew does not arise solely from his
religion. It is true that his race and religion are indissolubly
connected, . . . . but whatever be the cause of this junction of
the race idea with the religion, it is very certain that the
religion alone does not constitute the people. A believer in the
Jewish faith does not by reason of that fact become a Jew. On
the other hand, however, a Jew by birth remains a Jew, even
though he abjures his religion."
—Leo N. Levi, President of B'nai B'rith 1900-1904.
How
Jews in the U.S. Conceal Their Strength
How many Jews are there in the United States? No Gentile knows.
The figures are exclusive property of the Jewish authorities.
The government of the United States can provide statistics on
almost every matter pertaining to the population of the country,
but whenever it has attempted in a systematic way to get
information about the Jews who are constantly entering the
country
and the number now resident here, the Jewish lobby at Washington
steps in and stops it.
For more than 20 years the fight for the right of the United
States Government to make a complete census of the people has
been going on, and for the same period the Jewish lobby at the
Capitol has been strong enough to win.
The alarming increase in Jewish immigration at the present time
has brought the question to public attention again. For the
first time in the history of the United States a national
conviction is forming upon this subject. From Europe came the
first
news which startled this country. The reports told of vast
mobilizations of Jewish people at stated rendezvous in Europe.
Great barracks were built for them. Large bodies of trained men
went from the United States under orders of Jewish secret
societies here, to expedite "passport work," as it is
termed among those bodies. Immigration into the United States
became
a business—a strictly Jewish business.
Why is that statement made?—"a strictly Jewish
business." For this reason: there are countries in Europe
from which today
no Gentile can be admitted to the United States. From Germany,
from Russia, from Poland, it is with the utmost difficulty that
even one person can be won permission to enter this country. But
Jews from Poland, Germany, and Russia by the thousands
come in most freely, in utter disregard of the laws, in open
contempt of the health regulations—a strictly Jewish business
of
getting another million Jews into the United States. It is like
moving an army, which having done duty in Europe for the
subjugation of that continent, is now being transferred to
America.
When the conditions overseas were made known in this country and
it became apparent that Jewish societies in the United
States were the principal aids in this stampede to America, the
newspapers for the first time in American history began to
comment on a Jewish Question in tones of alarm. This in itself
is an indication that the facts are becoming too challenging
to be longer ignored.
Even the ordinary immigration officials, who for years have
watched the human stream as it flowed over Ellis Island, have
this year been startled into attention and action by the sharp
change that has come in the character of the stream. And what
has startled them?
First, it is composed almost entirely of Jews. Real Ukranians,
real Russians, real Germans cannot come in. But Jews can
come from anywhere, and are coming from almost everywhere. Why
this special privilege?—is being asked.
Second, they do not come as refugees, as people fleeing from
hunger and persecution: they come as if they own the country.
They arrive as special guests. As on the other side the passport
business is "arranged," so on this side the entrance
business
is "arranged." The laws are set aside. Health
regulations are ignored. Why should they not behave as if they
own the United States? They see officials of Jewish secret
societies override officials of the United States Immigration
Bureau. Their first
glimpse of life here shows a Jewish control as potent and
complete as it is in Russia. No wonder then that they literally
beat
down the walls and gates with all the éclat of a victorious
invasion. Is not this America—"The Jews' Country,"
as it is called
in the smaller nations of Europe?
Third, there is a perfect organization which overcomes the
numerous objections which arise against admission of known
revolutionary Jews. European Jews are potential revolutionists.
They are the revolutionists of Italy, Germany, Russia and
Poland today. They are the Red and I.W.W. leaders of the United
States today. When one man whose record is known
presents himself at Ellis Island—and of course he is one in a
thousand whose records are not known—he is held up.
Immediately there start across the country telegrams to
Congressmen, editors, state and municipal officials telling them
in peremptory tones to "get busy" in behalf of Mr.
So-and-So who is detained at Ellis Island. And the same day
there start
back to Washington telegrams from Congressmen, editors and
others of influence, insisting on the spotless character of
Mr. So-and-So and demanding his immediate admittance into the
United States. Sometimes also the Russian
embassy—so-called—is used in this work.
It is an invasion—nothing but an invasion; and it is helped by
influences within the United States. It is thinly cloaked with
sentiment—"these people are fleeing from
persecution." It is cleverly assisted by photographs
showing groups of forlorn
looking women and children—never by photographs showing the
groups of husky young revolutionists who are just as ready
to despoil the United States as they were to despoil Russia.
That, however, is the present situation. What this and a
subsequent article propose to do for the reader is to put him in
possession of some of the facts concerning the government's
fight on this question during the last quarter century.
The question is not peculiar to America, and it may throw a
sidelight on the American phase to note some of the facts
developed at the hearings of the British Royal Commission on
Alien Immigration which sat in London in 1902, a feature
of whose proceedings was the testimony of Theodor Herzl, the
great propagandist of Zionism.
In his initial statement to the Commission, Herzl made these
statements, among others:
"The fact that there is now for the first time since
Cromwell a perceptible number of our people in England is the
true
cause of this Commission being called together. * * * That a
serious pressure exists in England, the fact of your
Commission sitting is full proof."
Then the examination proceeded until the following was brought
out: (the answers are Herzl's)
Q. Looking at the question of alien immigration from the
standpoint of the United States for a moment, you have referred
to the fact that America excludes?
A. Yes.
Q. The exclusion is a partial exclusion?
A. Exclusion, as I know, is worked in this way: the immigrant
must show a certain amount of money at the moment of his l
anding.
Q. You are aware that the stream of immigration into the United
States is twice as much as the immigration into the United
Kingdom?
A. I know that. New York has now the greatest Jewish population
of all the towns in the world.
Q. And the actual exclusion is the actual exclusion of a small
proportion?
A. Yes; but they go, however, to America. I think it is so easy
to evade such a prohibition. For instance, if they joined a
small company, it would lend the necessary amount to each
immigrant, and the immigrant shows it and comes in, and sends
back by post the amount he has borrowed. There are no
efficacious measures to prevent that.
Q. I took it that your reference to the United States was an
approval of the action of that country as an act of
self-preservation.
A. No.
A little later on in the examination, the question of
immigration to the United States was again brought in. The
answers are
still Dr. Herzl's—remember that the date is still 1902:
Q. Are you aware whether it is the fact or not that the leading
Jews in America have informed their correspondents here
that they cannot receive and distribute any more Jewish
immigrants?
A. I have heard of difficulties of emigration, and that they are
overcrowded with Jews. As to that information I cannot say.
Q. In your opinion would not the stream of emigration to America
have been much greater if no such law had existed?
A. I think this law did not alter it much. The prohibition could
not change it.
Q. On what grounds do you believe that?
A. It is a question of coasts and harbors. They come in. How
will you prevent a man from coming in?
Q. Do you mean they are smuggled in?
A. No, I do not believe that. But they always find means to come
in.
Now, discussion of immigration in the United States has never
been free. We have talked a great deal about it in general
terms, but not in terms of specific races except the Chinese and
Japanese. However, Herzl seems to have known that
wherever the Jews congregate in noticeable numbers they become a
trouble (his words are: "* * * America, where so soon
as they form a perceptible number they become a trouble and a
burden to the land") and he also knew that efforts would
be made to meet that condition. But more than that, he dropped
what must be construed as a warning, that such efforts
would be resisted. He said:
"There exists a French proverb, 'cet animal est tres
impatient; il se defend quand on l'attaque.' If the Jews are
attacked,
they will defend themselves, and you will get something like
internal troubles."
The time apparently did come in the United States when some
far-seeing official began to wonder what the Jewish invasion
portended. Already it was too strong to be openly attacked. The
Jewish lobby at Washington was powerful even at that time.
So, apparently, this official concluded that the best way to set
about so momentous a task was to collect the information.
But in order to get the information, Congress had to give its
permission; and to get the permission of Congress, hearings
had to be ordered. Hearings were ordered, and the records of
them, though very scarce, still exist. The reader will be given
important extracts from them presently, and he will see for
himself how certain American statesmen reacted to the whole
matter.
A remark is in order just here, namely, that the Jewish lobby
eventually became more skillful in such matters. It now
takes very good care that no officials shall be appointed who
shall make suggestions which shall precipitate congressional
hearings on the Jewish matter. The time is coming, of course,
when the whole Jewish Question may be threshed out by the
government of the United States, but it will not be because an
official precipitated it; it will be because the people will
demand it.
Officials are now much to wary to meddle with this Question.
They know too well the consequences. During the war
many a secret trail of danger led into Jewish quarters, and the
secret service man who loyally made his reports was
often surprised to find himself lifted completely off that
trail. Why? All Jewish trails in this country were powerfully
protected by hidden influences during the war.
Well, the time came in the United States, when it was obviously
desirable to know what elements were comprising our
population; whether we were an Anglo-Saxon nation, Semitic,
Latin, or what. The situation was this, and was so stated
by government officials at the time:—In the '80's, and
previously, it could be safely assumed that an immigrant from
Ireland was Irish, an immigrant from Norway or Sweden was
Scandinavian, an immigrant from Russia was Russian,
an immigrant from Germany was German, and so on.
But times changed. Previous to 1880, the entry on a man's
record—"born in Russia"—indicated that he was a
Russian.
But, says a statement made by a government official with
reference to the 10 years following 1880—"So many Hebrews
have come from that country to the United States, that 'born in
Russia' has come in popular opinion to mean a 'Russian
Jew.'" And then the same official goes on to show that
during a 10-year period when 666,561 Jews came from Russia,
there came also from Russia large numbers of Poles, Finns,
Germans and Lithuanians.
Now, to make a census enumeration of these peoples under the
heading "Russian" was plainly misleading, and not
only misleading but valueless for census purposes. The racial
identity would be lost, and our knowledge of the racial
make-up of the nation very incomplete. Therefore, the census
authorities asked Congress for permission to classify
people by "race" as well as by "country of
birth." It seemed perfectly reasonable. Of what possible
use is it to classify
3,000,000 Jews as "Russians" when there are very
few real Russians in the country, and when the Russian and Jew
are so deeply different one from another?
Senator Simon Guggenheim arose in the committee to object. He
used the common formula in such cases. He said:
"Personally I object to it, not because I am a Hebrew, but
because it is not in place."
That is the common Jewish formula of objection. The B'nai B'rith
says the same thing when it forces Shakespeare's
"Merchant of Venice" out of the public schools. That
society's "anti-defamation circular" always includes
the thought:
—"We do not base our request on the embarrassment which
may be caused to the Jewish students in class, nor is our
attitude in this regard based on thin-skinned sensitiveness. Our
objection is made because of the effect upon the non-
Jewish children who subconsciously will associate in their minds
the Jew as Shakespeare portrayed him with the Jew
of today." So Senator Guggenheim, therefore, was playing
the game according to the rules made and established in
such cases.
At this hearing, Senator LaFollette was chairman. Senator
Guggenheim's contention was that "Jew" was the name of
a member of a religious denomination, and not of a race.
Chairman LaFollette—"I can see broad ethnological reasons
why some time it would be important to know from what
blood and race the man came."
Senator Guggenheim—"Why not ask his religion?"
Senators McCumber and Bailey came to the support of Senator
Guggenheim's contention, that "Jew" is a religious and
not a racial term.
Chairman LaFollette—"I do not just get your objection to
this, Senator Guggenheim. What objection can one have to
having the race to which he belongs correctly entered?"
Senator Guggenheim—"Because it is not correct when stated
that way. The Jews are not a race. * * *"
Later on in the hearing, Senator Cummins entered the discussion
in response to a pro-Jewish remark made by Senator
Bailey:
Senator Bailey—"If I were a Hebrew and I had been born
here and they wanted me to say I was anything but an American,
I would have a difference with the enumerator. I perhaps would
refuse to answer their questions."
Senator Cummins—"I would not have any hesitancy in
stating from what blood I was."
Senator Bailey—"No; but in the case that I refer to, it
would be a matter of religion."
Senator Guggenheim—"That is the point; it is a question
of religion."
That was in April, 1909, in December, 1909, Simon Wolf was the
chief witness for the pro-Jewish contention. Simon Wolf
is a very interesting character. From before the days of
President Lincoln, he has been lobbyist for the Jews at the
National Capitol, and has been in contact with every President
from Lincoln to Wilson. At the hearing where Mr. Wolf testified,
Senator Dillingham acted as chairman, and the whole proceeding
was enlivened and clarified by the vigorous part which
Senator Lodge took in it. Certain extracts, which entirely
reproduce the spirit and argument of the hearing, follow:
Mr. Wolf—"The point we make is this: A Jew coming from
Russia is a Russian; from Rumania, a Rumanian; from F
rance, a Frenchman; from England, an Englishman; and from
Germany a German; that Hebrew or Jewish is simply a
religion."
Senator Lodge—"Do I understand you to deny that the Jews
are a race?"
Mr. Wolf—"How?"
Senator Lodge—"Do you deny that the word 'Jew' is used to
express a race?"
Mr. Wolf—"As the representative of the Union of American
Hebrew Congregations—which I have been for nearly 30
years—I took up the matter and propounded a series of
interrogations to some of the leading Jews of the United States,
among others * * * Dr. Cyrus Adler, who was librarian of the
Smithsonian * * * and every one of them states that the
Jews are not a race."
Senator Lodge—"That, I think, is an important point. I
have always supposed they were. I find in the preface of The
Jewish Encyclopedia, which is signed by Cyrus Adler, among
others this statement:
'An even more delicate problem that presented itself at the very
outset was the attitude to be observed by the encyclopedia
in regard to those Jews who, while born within the Jewish
community, have, for one reason or another, abandoned it. As
the present work deals with the Jews as a race, it was found
impossible to exclude those who were of that race, whatever
their religious affiliations might have been.'
"In the same encyclopedia is a statement by Joseph Jacobs,
B.A., formerly president of the Jewish Historical Society
of England:
'Anthropologically considered, the Jews are a race of markedly
uniform type, due either to unity of race or to similarity
of environment.'
"Do you mean to deny—I want to understand your
position—that the word 'Jew' is a racial term?"
Mr. Wolf—"I have made my statement, and my opinions are
in this pamphlet."
Senator Lodge—"Let me get at it. How would you classify
Benjamin Disraeli? Was he a Jew?"
Mr. Wolf—"He was born a Jew."
Senator Lodge—"He was baptized as a Christian. He then
ceased to be a Jew?"
Mr. Wolf—"Yes; religiously he ceased to be a Jew."
Senator Lodge—"Ah! Religiously. He was very proud of the
fact that he was a Jew, and always spoke of himself in that
way. Did the fact that he changed his religion alter his
race?"
Mr. Wolf—"It did not change the fact that he was born a
Jew; not at all; and I know the Jewish people throughout the
world have claimed him, Heine, and Borne, and others who were
born of their blood, as being Jews, when they speak
of persons who have accomplished something wonderful in the
world. But they ceased to be Jews from the standpoint
of religion—"
Senator Lodge—"Undoubtedly. What I want to get at is
whether the word 'Jew' or 'Hebrew' is not a correct racial
term?"
Mr. Wolf—"If you will pardon me, you will find a letter
from Dr. Cyrus Adler right at the close of the pamphlet, which
perhaps you might read for the benefit of the committee."
Senator Lodge—(after reading the letter referred to) "I
do not think that answers anything."
* * *
Senator Lodge—"It never occurred to me until I heard you
were coming here that the classification as made by the
immigration authorities had anything to do with religion. I
supposed it was a race classification. It is important, very
important, to get the race classification as nearly as we
can."
* * *
Mr. Wolf—"You are aware that the Census Bureau some time
ago attempted to classify in the same manner and it
was prohibited from doing so."
Senator Lodge—"The word 'race' was stricken out of the
census bill. I think it was a great mistake. It makes the
returns almost valueless."
Mr. Wolf—"I can simply repeat what I have said—that I
am voicing the opinions of those whom I represent—the
Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and the Order of B'nai
B'rith. They are opposed to the classification as
made in the last few years and as contemplated, so far as I am
informed, in the report of the commission."
The hearings continued, Julian W. Mack later appearing for the
Jewish contention.
From the extracts given in this article, four matters become
very clear:
First, the Jew is opposed to any restrictive legislation against
his entrance into a country.
Second, the Jew is opposed to any racial classification of
himself after he has entered a country.
Third, the Jewish argument to the Gentile authorities is that
the Jew represents religion and not race.
Fourth, that at least one indication has appeared in which the
Jew has one view to present to the Gentiles, and another
which he cherishes among his own people, on this question
of Race.
Another point might be made, as this: when the authorities
disregard as untenable the argument of "religion, not
race,"
the Jewish spokesmen fall back on the fact that their
organizations don't want certain things and won't have certain
things—argument or no argument, commission or no commission.
The Jewish lobbyists had their way. There is no enumeration of
Jews in the United States. There are 46 other classifications,
but none for the Jew. The Northern Italians are distinguished in
the records from the Southern Italians; the Moravians are
distinguished from the Bohemians; the Scotch from the English;
the Spanish-American from the Spanish-European; the
West Indians from the Mexicans—but the Jew is not
distinguished at all.
None of the other races made objection. On this point the report
of the commission reads:
"As far as ascertained by the commission, the practice of
classifying the foreign-born by race or people, rather than by
country of birth, is acceptable to the people of the United
States with one exception.
The officials, who were endeavoring to have the Census Report
show with scientific accuracy the actual racial components
of the population of the United States, were compelled to see
their recommendation eliminated.
What is the result? If you ask the government of the United
States how many Frenchmen there are in the country, it can
give you the figures. If you ask for the number of Poles, it is
there. If you ask for the number of Africans, it is known.
On down a long list you may make your inquiries, and you will
find that the government knows.
But ask the government of the United States how many Jews are in
the country—and it cannot tell; there are no records.
If you want information upon that point, you will have to go to
the officials or representatives of the Jewish Government
in the United States.
Of course, if "Jew" is a religious term, like Baptist,
Catholic, Christian Scientist or Quaker, then there is merit in
the
argument that religious questions are not proper for the
government to ask unless the religion comes in conflict with,
or is a menace to, the ideals of the Republic. But if
"Jew" is a racial term, or a national term, then the
government is
properly interested in making record of all the inhabitants of
this land who bear it.
Like all questions pertaining to the Jews, this can be settled
by their own words. What the Jews teach the Jews on t
his matter should be the determining point. In the next article
we shall see what Jews themselves have to say about
"race or religion?"
[THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT, issue of 9
October 1920]
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Consider Your Family's
Future!
50%
of Children in the U.S. under 8 are non-white. The govt. projects
that within 4 years (because of legal and illegal immigration and
high birthrate) the majority of children under 18 will not be white.
Whites will Be a
Minority in Less than 30 Years!
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